On Becoming a Vowess: Margaret Beaufort, Religion and Women’s Independence
In 1499, Margaret Beaufort, the mother of the first Tudor king, Henry VII, made the bold and unusual decision to take a vow of chastity while still married to her fourth husband, Thomas Stanley. After years of dependence on marriage for security during the tumultuous years of the Wars of the Roses, this decision can be interpreted as Margaret’s assertion of her personal autonomy and independence. Margaret’s life as a vowess also shines a light on an often forgotten history of friendship, connection, and solidarity among medieval and Tudor women.
Who was Margaret Beaufort?
To understand Margaret Beaufort’s life as a vowess, it’s important to understand her background. Margaret was born on 31st May, 1443 to John Beaufort and Margaret Beauchamp. The Beaufort family were descended from the illegitimate children of John of Gaunt, a son of Edward III, and Katherine Swynford. John eventually married Katherine and the Beauforts were retrospectively legitimised but excluded from inheriting the throne. Margaret’s father, the grandson of John of Gaunt, died just before her first birthday, with the cause rumoured to have been suicide following the failure of his military campaign in France. After her father’s death, Margaret’s wardship was given to William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, a favourite of King Henry VI. However, Suffolk was murdered in 1450 after arranging a marriage between Margaret and his son, John de la Pole.
After Suffolk’s death, Margaret was remarried aged 12 to the King’s half-brother, Edmund Tudor, a man in his 20s. He did not wait to consummate the marriage and Margaret became pregnant at just 13 years old. At the same time, political tensions heightened between two court factions: the Lancastrians who were loyal to Henry VI, which included Margaret’s uncle, Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, and the Yorkists, led by Edmund’s rival, Richard, Duke of York. This resulted in the outbreak of a 30-year dynastic dispute known as the Wars of the Roses. In autumn 1456, Margaret’s husband was imprisoned by Yorkists at Carmarthen Castle and died shortly afterwards of the plague which had been spreading across Wales. Margaret then travelled to the stronghold of her brother-in-law, Jasper Tudor, at Pembroke Castle where she gave birth to her only child, Henry Tudor, on 28th January 1457. Shortly after Henry’s birth, Jasper became his guardian and Margaret married Sir Henry Stafford, with whom she had a happy marriage.
As she became an adult, Margaret had to navigate the volatile political landscape of the Wars of the Roses. With her close familial links to the Lancastrians, her position was vulnerable when the son of York, Edward, Earl of March, overthrew Henry VI and assumed the throne as Edward IV in 1461, and then again in 1471 after a short period of Lancastrian restoration. Following Edward’s second victory, Margaret’s son, Henry, fled abroad to Brittany with Jasper Tudor. Shortly afterwards, her husband, Stafford, died of injuries from battle. Margaret used Yorkist connections from her fourth marriage to Thomas Stanley to negotiate Henry’s safe return to England. Despite their physical separation, Margaret loved Henry deeply and kept in regular communication with him. Her efforts were beginning to pay off when she reached an agreement with Edward IV, but were quickly thwarted by his unexpected death in 1483.
Although Edward IV left behind two sons, they were quickly usurped by their uncle, Richard, Duke of Gloucester, who was crowned Richard III. Richard was widely believed to have murdered the boys in the Tower of London. At this point Margaret’s son, Henry, became a contender for the throne. Margaret formed an allyship with Edward IV’s widow, Elizabeth Woodville, to arrange a marriage between Henry and the Yorkist Princess, Elizabeth of York. When the plot was joined by Richard’s former ally, the Duke of Buckingham, a rebellion was launched. Although this rebellion failed, it established Henry as the main challenger to Richard III and he returned to face Richard at the Battle of Bosworth in August 1485, where Richard was killed and Henry was subsequently crowned Henry VII. As intended, he married Elizabeth of York, uniting the Houses of York and Lancaster and establishing the Tudor dynasty.
Why a Vowess?
Similarly to Cecily, Duchess of York, the mother of Edward IV and Richard III, Margaret carved out a unique political identity for herself when Henry VII assumed the throne, becoming known as ‘My Lady, the King’s Mother’. Her trusting and loving relationship with her son is evident in the responsibilities Henry granted to Margaret, such as giving her the wardship of several Yorkist children. Alongside her increased political visibility, she gained personal independence through becoming a femme sole, allowing her to have independent control of her property, estates, and finances. Femme soles were most commonly widows or unmarried women so Margaret becoming one while married to Thomas Stanley was incredibly unique.
In 1499, Margaret went a step further and made the bold decision to become a vowess. This involved dedicating herself to a religious life, taking a vow of chastity and donning dark clothes and a headdress. This is the garb surviving portraits of Margaret show her in, however, as Laura M. Wood points out, there has been little scholarly attention directed at vowesses, indicative of mainstream neglect of women’s history more generally. Like femme soles, vowesses were generally widows and Margaret was unconventional in taking the vows while her husband, Thomas Stanley, was still alive. Although they took a vow of chastity, unlike nuns, vowesses did not necessarily live in convents and could continue owning their own property. Like Margaret, most vowesses appear to have been English women, but there were some Welsh and Irish examples. As Wood suggests, the lack of vowesses in mainland Europe may relate to presence of beguines, women-only communities which played a similar role of allowing women to dedicate themselves to a pious life while maintaining their ability to own property. Wood also notes that there was considerable variety in how vowesses lived, while some lived quietly, others were incredibly active running businesses or founding schools, suggesting this life offered freedom to those who chose it.
The reasons Margaret became a vowess are, of course, impossible to know for certain. It cannot be ignored that Margaret was an extremely pious individual and this undoubtedly played a crucial role in her dedicating herself to a religious life. Her pious lifestyle was recorded by her confessor, Bishop Fisher, who praised her dedication to charitable causes and religious observances in her home. However, it is not difficult to see the possible psychological reasons a vow of chastity could have also been appealing to her. Having married Edmund Tudor at just 12 years old and becoming pregnant at 13, Margaret had endured a traumatic experience of pregnancy and childbirth. Despite popular perceptions, this was not normal for the time. The dangers of pregnancy at this age were recognised by Margaret’s contemporaries and where marriages between young girls and adult men took place, they did not normally have sex until the girl was older. By ignoring this, Edmund selfishly placed his desire for an heir over Margaret’s safety. It has also been commonly suggested Margaret experienced permanent physical damage as a result, with her not showing any known signs of pregnancy across two further marriages. As an adult, Margaret was determined to protect her young granddaughter, Margaret Tudor, from the same fate, working with her daughter-in-law, Elizabeth of York, to delay her marriage to the adult Scottish King, James IV, fearing he would “endanger her health”.
Becoming a vowess rather than a nun also offered political advantages. This is evidenced by other contemporary vowesses, such as Anne Herbert, the widow of William Herbert, who had been Henry Tudor’s guardian under Edward IV’s reign. Taking the vows allowed Anne to continue administering their estates and ensure the succession of their son. Similarly, Margaret was able to protect Henry’s interests and enjoy the freedom she gained as a femme sole. Furthermore, Lauren Johnson points out that during the Wars of the Roses, Margaret would have witnessed other politically powerful women such as the Lancastrian queen, Margaret of Anjou and Cecily Duchess of York face misogynistic attacks accusing them of adultery, which undermined their own reputations and their son’s claim to the throne. With Henry’s claim being precarious at best and the threat of rebellions and pretenders plaguing his reign, Margaret establishing herself as a pious and chaste woman could mitigate these attacks.
Vowed Life:
It is not known if Margaret discussed her intention to become a vowess with her husband, Thomas Stanley, but afterwards they continued to have a positive relationship, visiting each other regularly and exchanging gifts at New Years. Margaret and Stanley’s marriage originated out of mutual convenience rather than romantic love and it may have been that this arrangement suited them both. When Stanley died in July 1504, Margaret and her household at Collyweston assumed full mourning, but she indicated would not remarry by renewing her vow of chastity. While Margaret’s final two marriages to Stanley and Henry Stafford brought security and friendship, they were also indicative of her dependence on marriage for protection during the Wars of the Roses. With her new-found freedoms under Henry’s reign, Margaret could now choose an independent life. This links to wider observations in feminist historiography, noted by Laura M. Wood and Pat Cullum, that women’s pious devotion and vows of chastity allowed them to assert control over their lives and avoid unwanted marriages.
Margaret taking the vows corresponded with her establishing herself in a governmental role at her home in Collyweston. Here, she acted as a representative of royal authority in the Midlands, settling legal disputes on her son’s behalf. Around this time, Margaret also adopted a new signature, ‘Margaret R’. There is ambiguity around whether the ‘R’ referred to her position as the Countess of Richmond or was intended to be interpreted as ‘Regina’, but it clearly resembled royal signatures and asserted her authority. As well as using her influence to support Henry, Margaret’s home at Collyweston acted as a place of refuge for her female friends and family members, such as protecting her niece, Anne St John, when she fled an unhappy marriage. Margaret also protected her close friend, Cecily of York, the sister of Elizabeth of York, when she incurred Henry’s wrath after marrying without his permission.
Although Margaret spent more time closer to London and the royal court towards the end of Henry’s reign, Rachel M. Delman has argued the community she became involved in at Collyweston and the nearby town of Stamford can be considered a “devout society”. This was a term coined by historian, Mary Erler, to describe a community of people dedicated to living a pious life. Margaret was connected to a wide devotional community linked to St. Katherine’s guild, which she joined in 1502. The guild was mixed-sex but notable for its high number of female members, including other vowesses. Margaret became actively involved in the guild and as Delman notes, also encouraged her friends to join, including Cecily of York and the anchoress, Margaret White. In her will Margaret made provisions for White and another local anchoress, Agnes Leche, having formed close friendships with both. She even had a doorway constructed into Leche’s cell and brought her food and gifts. Anchoresses, such as White and Leche, had voluntarily withdrawn from secular life to live in their enclosed cells. The access Margaret was granted was incredibly rare, normally only reserved for servants and confessors, demonstrating the high regard she was held in by these women.
Another notable aspect of Margaret’s life during Henry VII’s reign was her educational patronage. Margaret actively supported the development of the printing press, acting as a patron to printers William Caxton, Richard Pyson and Wynken de Worde. In 1502 she translated a work from French into English herself, becoming the first Englishwoman to appear in print. She also famously founded two Cambridge colleges: Christ’s and St John’s. This passion for education was brought into her community at Collyweston and Stamford, where she was part of a prominently female reading circle between her friends, relatives, and employees. Essentially the 15th-century equivalent of a book club, this further solidified her connection and friendship with the women involved.
There is a common misconception that medieval and Tudor women played no role in public life, but Margaret’s life as a vowess demonstrates that this is far from true. The Collyweston-Stamford community Margaret immersed herself in demonstrates that many women of the period protected their family’s interests and played respected roles in their communities, using the means at their disposal to assert their autonomy while living under an extremely patriarchal society. While Margaret’s relationship with her son, Henry, was undoubtedly one of, if not the, most important relationship in her life, the community she built with other women was also deeply important to her. Examining this aspect of Margaret’s story reveals an entire history of female solidarity and friendship which is all too often ignored.
References:
Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, vol I, 1485-1509, ed. G. A. Bergenroth, London, 1862, available at: https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol1, pp.153-67
Pat Cullum, ‘’Give Me Chastity’: Masculinity and Attitudes to Chastity and Celibacy in the Middle Ages’, Gender & History, 25:3, 2013, pp.621-36: https://research.ebsco.com/c/v5rb7r/viewer/pdf/ka7n3jbmof?route=details
Rachel M. Delman, ‘The vowesses, the anchoresses and the aldermen’s wives: Lady Margaret Beaufort, and the devout society of late medieval Stamford’, Urban History, 49:2, 2022, pp.248-64: https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/urban-history/article/vowesses-the-anchoresses-and-the-aldermens-wives-lady-margaret-beaufort-and-the-devout-society-of-late-medieval-stamford/7046EE13EA0E125BE58676150CAF34F3
Sally Fisher, ‘'Margaret R”: Lady Margaret Beaufort’s Self-fashioning and female ambition’ in Virtuous or Villainess? The Image of the Royal Mother from the Early Medieval to the Early Modern Era, Carey Fleiner and Elena Woodacre (eds), New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2016, pp.151-166
Michael K. Jones and Malcolm G. Underwood, The King’s Mother: Lady Margaret Beaufort Countess of Richmond and Derby, (Cambridge University Press, 1992)
Lauren Johnson, Margaret Beaufort: Survivor, Rebel, Kingmaker, (Head of Zeus Ltd., 2025)
Nicola Tallis, Uncrowned Queen: The Fateful Life of Margaret Beaufort, Tudor Matriarch, (Michael O’Mara Books Limited, 2019)
Laura M. Wood, ‘In Search of the Mantle and Ring: Prosopographical Study of the Vowess in Late Medieval England’, Medieval Prosopography, 34, pp.175-206: https://www.jstor.org/stable/27041710?seq=1
Comments